劉柏川在TED演講：為何普通民眾需要懂得權(quán)力？
導(dǎo)語：權(quán)力是把雙刃劍的問題恐怕我們很多人都聽說過了，下面看劉柏川談?wù)劄楹纹胀癖娦枰脵?quán)力？
I'm a teacher and a practitioner of civics in America. Now, I will kindly ask those of you who have just fallen asleep to please wake up. (Laughter) Why is it that the very word "civics" has such a soporific, even a narcoleptic effect on us?
我在美國進(jìn)行公民教育， 也是公民教育的踐行者。 現(xiàn)在，請那些剛才睡著的人打起精神。(笑聲) 為什么人們一聽到“公民教育”這個詞 就昏昏欲睡，甚至如患了發(fā)作性睡病一般?
I think it's because the very word signifies something exceedingly virtuous, exceedingly important, and exceedingly boring. Well, I think it's the responsibility of people like us, people who show up for gatherings like this in person or online, in any way we can, to make civics sexy again, as sexy as it was during the American Revolution, as sexy as it was during the Civil Rights Movement.
我想是因為這個詞 蘊含崇高的道德， 具有重要的意義， 卻那么的無聊。 我認(rèn)為，我們，聚在這里的， 以及在網(wǎng)上觀看的人，有責(zé)任以力所能及的任何方式， 讓公民教育再度煥發(fā)生機(jī)， 正如美國革命 或美國民權(quán)運動時期那樣生機(jī)勃勃。
And I believe the way we make civics sexy again is to make explicitly about the teaching of power. The way we do that, I believe, is at the level of the city.
而且，我相信讓公民教育再度煥發(fā)生機(jī)的途徑是 闡清權(quán)力的教育。 要實現(xiàn)它，我認(rèn)為， 關(guān)鍵是從城市這一層面入手。
This is what I want to talk about today, and I want to start by defining some terms and then I want to describe the scale of the problem I think we face and then suggest the ways that I believe cities can be the seat of the solution. So let me start with some definitions.
這就是今天我想跟大家談?wù)摰闹黝}。 我想從解釋一些概念開始， 然后我會闡述我們目前 面臨的問題， 進(jìn)而給出解決辦法，即城市是 解決問題的根本。
By civics, I simply mean the art of being a pro-social, problem-solving contributor in a self-governing community. Civics is the art of citizenship, what Bill Gates Sr. calls simply showing up for life, and it encompasses three things: a foundation of values, an understanding of the systems that make the world go round, and a set of skills that allow you to pursue goals and to have others join in that pursuit.
那么，由一些定義開始吧。 所謂公民教育，是一種藝術(shù)， 是在一個自主管轄的社區(qū)，身為一名關(guān)愛社會、 為解決問題做貢獻(xiàn)的公民的藝術(shù)。 公民教育是身為一個公民的藝術(shù)， 這正是比爾•蓋茨之父所謂的 “展現(xiàn)生命”， 它包含三個方面內(nèi)容： 價值觀的基礎(chǔ)、 對于讓世界正常運轉(zhuǎn)的體系的理解、 以及一套 讓你追尋目標(biāo)并讓他人跟隨你的愿景的技能。
And that brings me to my definition of power, which is simply this: the capacity to make others do what you would have them do. It sounds menacing, doesn't it?
這就引到了我對權(quán)力的定義， 一個簡單的定義如下： 讓他人按照你的意愿 去做事情的能力。 這聽起來有些邪惡，不是嗎?
We don't like to talk about power. We find it scary. We find it somehow evil. We feel uncomfortable naming it. In the culture and mythology of democracy, power resides with the people. Period. End of story.
我們從來都不喜歡談?wù)摍?quán)力， 我們覺得這個詞可怕，而且有些邪惡。 試圖去定義它會讓我們感覺不自在。 在民主的文化背景下， 權(quán)力掌握在人的手里。 句號。到此為止。
Any further inquiry not necessary and not really that welcome. Power has a negative moral valence. It sounds Machiavellian inherently. It seems inherently evil. But in fact power is no more inherently good or evil than fire or physics. It just is. And power governs how any form of government operates, whether a democracy or a dictatorship.
沒有必要進(jìn)一步探討權(quán)力， 因為它不那么受歡迎。 權(quán)力違背道德價值觀， 而且它本質(zhì)上就有些權(quán)謀術(shù)的味道， 似乎本質(zhì)上就是邪惡的。 但是，事實上，權(quán)力在本質(zhì)上不分好壞對錯， 就像自然界的火、物理原理那樣， 權(quán)力只是權(quán)力，僅此而已。 權(quán)力支配著 任何政府的運作， 或民主的政府，或獨裁的政府。
And the problem we face today, here in America in particular, but all around the world, is that far too many people are profoundly illiterate in power — what it is, who has it, how it operates, how it flows, what part of it is visible, what part of it is not, why some people have it, why that's compounded. And as a result of this illiteracy, those few who do understand how power operates in civic life, those who understand how a bill becomes a law, yes, but also how a friendship becomes a subsidy, or how a bias becomes a policy, or how a slogan becomes a movement, the people who understand those things wield disproportionate influence, and they're perfectly happy to fill the vacuum created by the ignorance of the great majority.
我們今天面臨的問題，在美國尤甚， 但是個全球性的問題， 即太多太多的人對權(quán)力 一無所知—— 權(quán)力是什么，誰擁有權(quán)力， 它如何運作，如何流轉(zhuǎn)， 權(quán)力的哪部分為人所知，哪部分鮮為人知， 為何有些人擁有權(quán)力，為何權(quán)力總是交錯繁雜。 這種一無所知的結(jié)果就是， 那些極少數(shù)了解 權(quán)力是如何在公民生活中運作的人， 那些了解 如何讓一個法案變成一個法律條文， 如何將友誼轉(zhuǎn)化為財富， 如何讓一個偏見變成一項政策， 或如何讓一個口號發(fā)展成一場運動的人， 正是了解這些事情的人 對廣大民眾施加不同程度的影響力， 而且他們及其樂于 填補民眾的無知造成的空洞。
This is why it is so fundamental for us right now to grab hold of this idea of power and to democratize it.
這就是為什么 以這種方式來理解權(quán)力并將其大眾化 對當(dāng)下的我們這么重要。
One of the things that is so profoundly exciting and challenging about this moment is that as a result of this power illiteracy that is so pervasive, there is a concentration of knowledge, of understanding, of clout.
現(xiàn)在，有一件令人極度振奮 又極具挑戰(zhàn)性的事情。 那就是廣大民眾對權(quán)力的一無所知 形成了知識、理解和影響力的聚集。
I mean, think about it: How does a friendship become a subsidy? Seamlessly, when a senior government official decides to leave government and become a lobbyist for a private interest and convert his or her relationships into capital for their new masters.
我的意思是，考慮一下： 如何將友誼轉(zhuǎn)化為財富? 很自然地， 一個政府高級官員 辭掉政府的工作，成為一名謀取私利的說客， 將其人脈資源轉(zhuǎn)化為 新利益集團(tuán)的財富。
How does a bias become a policy? Insidiously, just the way that stop-and-frisk, for instance, became over time a bureaucratic numbers game. How does a slogan become a movement? Virally, in the way that the Tea Party, for instance, was able to take the "Don't Tread on Me" flag from the American Revolution, or how, on the other side, a band of activists could take a magazine headline, "Occupy Wall Street," and turn that into a global meme and movement.
偏見如何轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)橐豁椪? 比如，不知不覺地，攔截盤查 變成官僚的數(shù)字游戲， 從這轉(zhuǎn)變的方式便可見一斑。 一個口號如何變成一場運動? 舉個例子來說， 從在美國革命中扛起“不要踐踏我”的旗幟的茶黨身上 就能知道答案。 或者，另一方面， 一群激進(jìn)分子從刊在雜志上的頭條， “占領(lǐng)華爾街”開始， 發(fā)展成為一場全球性的運動。
The thing is, though, most people aren't looking for and don't want to see these realities. So much of this ignorance, this civic illiteracy, is willful. There are some millennials, for instance, who think the whole business is just sordid. They don't want to have anything to do with politics.
事實上，大多數(shù)人 并不情愿，也不期望看到這些事實。 所以，無知，對公民教育的無知， 很大程度上是有意的。 例如，00后中新一代中， 很多人認(rèn)為整個政界都是骯臟的， 他們不想與政治有任何交集
They'd rather just opt out and engage in volunteerism. There are some techies out there who believe that the cure-all for any power imbalance or power abuse is simply more data, more transparency. There are some on the left who think power resides only with corporations, and some on the right who think power resides only with government, each side blinded by their selective outrage.
他們甘愿退出， 而致力于社會志愿服務(wù)。 也有很多極客 認(rèn)為解決一切權(quán)力失衡或權(quán)力濫用的萬能良藥， 在于更多的數(shù)據(jù)， 和更大的透明度。 一方面有人認(rèn)為權(quán)力 只掌控在企業(yè)手里， 另一方面有人認(rèn)為權(quán)力 只掌控在政府手里。
There are the naive who believe that good things just happen and the cynical who believe that bad things just happen, the fortunate and unfortunate unlike who think that their lot is simply what they deserve rather than the eminently alterable result of a prior arrangement, an inherited allocation, of power.
他們都是被各自的選擇性憤怒蒙蔽了雙眼。 有些幼稚的人， 坐等美好的事情來臨， 也有憤世嫉俗的人，相信糟糕的事情注定會發(fā)生。 還有那些幸運的或不幸運的人 認(rèn)為他們的命數(shù)已定， 而不是懸而未決的， 他們不知道權(quán)力的傾倚會左右命運。
As a result of all of this creeping fatalism in public life, we here, particularly in America today, have depressingly low levels of civic knowledge, civic engagement, participation, awareness.
社會上這種無可救藥的宿命論的結(jié)果就是， 尤其在當(dāng)今的美國， 我們，對公民教育、公民參與以及公民意識，知之甚少。 政界里里外外都已 “分包”給一群專家、 富豪、圈外人、 掌握信息的人、研究人員。
The whole business of politics has been effectively subcontracted out to a band of professionals, money people, outreach people, message people, research people. The rest of us are meant to feel like amateurs in the sense of suckers. We become demotivated to learn more about how things work. We begin to opt out.
剩下的人注定感覺如外行一般， 是不折不扣的失敗者。 我們變得沒有動力去探究 事情怎樣運作， 我們開始被排除在外了。
Well, this problem, this challenge, is a thing that we must now confront, and I believe that when you have this kind of disengagement, this willful ignorance, it becomes both a cause and a consequence of this concentration of opportunity of wealth and clout that I was describing a moment ago, this profound civic inequality.
那么，這個問題，這個挑戰(zhàn)， 我們必須直面。 如果你一直 冷漠下去，一直有意地視而不見， 這種冷漠就會促成我剛才所說的 財富、勢力的`聚集， 這種聚集又會加深你的冷漠的態(tài)度。這是深刻的公民權(quán)力不平等。
This is why it is so important in our time right now to reimagine civics as the teaching of power. Perhaps it's never been more important at any time in our lifetimes. If people don't learn power, if people don't wake up, and if they don't wake up, they get left out.
這就是為什么，以權(quán)力的教育來理解公民教育 是如此得重要，如此得迫在眉睫。 也許從沒有像在今天 這么重要過。 如果人們不懂得權(quán)力， 如果人們不覺醒， 如果人們不覺醒， 就會被遺棄。
Now, part of the art of practicing power means being awake and having a voice, but it also is about having an arena where you can plausibly practice deciding. All of civics boils down to the simple question of who decides, and you have to play that out in a place, in an arena.
施展權(quán)力的藝術(shù)，部分在于 保持警醒，并有自己的見解， 也在于擁有一個可以 施展決斷力的舞臺。 所有公民教育的問題都可歸結(jié)為這一簡單問題： 誰來決策? 因此，你必須有一個地方，有一個舞臺來施展。
And this brings me to the third point that I want to make today, which is simply that there is no better arena in our time for the practicing of power than the city.
這就引到了我今天想強調(diào)的第三點， 當(dāng)今而言，沒有比城市 更適合作為施展權(quán)力的舞臺。
Think about the city where you live, where you're from. Think about a problem in the common life of your city. It can be something small, like where a street lamp should go, or something medium like which library should have its hours extended or cut, or maybe something bigger, like whether a dilapidated waterfront should be turned into a highway or a greenway, or whether all the businesses in your town should be required to pay a living wage.
想一下你生活的城市， 你來自的城市， 想一個你的城市里日常生活中的問題， 可以是小事情， 比如路燈應(yīng)安裝在何處; 或是稍微大一點的事情， 比如某個圖書館開放時間該延長還是縮短; 或是更大的事情， 比如廢棄的海濱是否應(yīng) 改建為高速路或綠化帶， 或者當(dāng)?shù)厮械墓?是否需支付生活工資。
Think about the change that you want in your city, and then think about how you would get it, how you would make it happen. Take an inventory of all the forms of power that are at play in your city's situation: money, of course, people, yes, ideas, information, misinformation, the threat of force, the force of norms.
考慮一下你希望你的城市要做出的改變， 并且考慮你如何實現(xiàn)它， 如何讓它成為現(xiàn)實。 列出你所在的城市里 全部形式的權(quán)力： 金錢?當(dāng)然了。人?是的。 理念、信息、錯誤的信息、 武力的威脅、規(guī)范的力量
All of these form of power are at play. Now think about how you would activate or perhaps neutralize these various forms of power.
所有形式的權(quán)力都在發(fā)揮著作用。 現(xiàn)在考慮一下你如何激發(fā) 或調(diào)和這些不同形式的權(quán)力。
This is not some Game of Thrones empire-level set of questions. These are questions that play out in every single place on the planet.
這不是《權(quán)力的游戲》中 帝國層面的問題， 這是地球上任何地方都 在上演的問題。
I'll just tell you quickly about two stories drawn from recent headlines. In Boulder, Colorado, voters not too long ago approved a process to replace the private power company, literally the power company, the electric company Xcel, with a publicly owned utility that would forego profits and attend far more to climate change.
下面我快速地講兩個故事， 這兩個故事都來自于近期頭條新聞。 在科羅拉多州的博爾德， 選民在不久前通過了一項決議， 將一個私有的電力公司， 即艾克賽爾能源公司， 轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)楣兄疲?不謀利潤， 而會更多關(guān)注氣候變化。
Well, Xcel fought back, and Xcel has now put in play a ballot measure that would undermine or undo this municipalization.
艾克賽爾公司回?fù)舻挚梗?目前，它在通過一種投票的方式， 試圖干擾或駁回 這次公有化運動。
And so the citizen activists in Boulder who have been pushing this now literally have to fight the power in order to fight for power.
因此推動這項運動的博爾德的積極人士， 現(xiàn)在不得不對抗電力公司 來爭取權(quán)力。
In Tuscaloosa, at the University of Alabama, there's an organization on campus called, kind of menacingly, the Machine, and it draws from largely white sororities and fraternities on campus, and for decades, the Machine has dominated student government elections.
在塔斯卡盧薩，阿拉巴馬大學(xué)， 校園里有個組織 聽起來有些邪惡，叫“機(jī)器”。 其成員多大來自學(xué)校白人姐妹會和兄弟會。
Well now, recently, the Machine has started to get involved in actual city politics, and they've engineered the election of a former Machine member, a young, pro-business recent graduate to the Tuscaloosa city school board.
數(shù)十年來，“機(jī)器”控制了 學(xué)生的政府選票。 最近，“機(jī)器” 開始參與到真正的城市政治中。 他們主導(dǎo)了 一個前“機(jī)器”成員的參選， 讓這位近期畢業(yè)的年輕的成員 進(jìn)入塔斯卡盧薩市教育局。
Now, as I say, these are just two examples drawn almost at random from the headlines. Every day, there are thousands more like them. And you may like or dislike the efforts I'm describing here in Boulder or in Tuscaloosa, but you cannot help but admire the power literacy of the players involved, their skill.
如前所述，這只是從近期新聞頭條中 隨意摘取的兩個故事。 每天都有類似的數(shù)以千計的例子。 無論你喜不喜歡我剛剛描述的 發(fā)生在博爾德和塔斯卡盧薩的事情， 你都不得不欣賞 他們的施展權(quán)力的素養(yǎng) 和能力。
You cannot help but reckon with and recognize the command they have of the elemental questions of civic power — what objective, what strategy, what tactics, what is the terrain, who are your enemies, who are your allies?
你也不得不考慮到并且意識到 他們掌握公民權(quán)力的一些最基本的問題—— 目的是什么，策略是什么，戰(zhàn)術(shù)是什么， 戰(zhàn)場是什么，誰是敵人，誰是戰(zhàn)友?
Now I want you to return to thinking about that problem or that opportunity or that challenge in your city, and the thing it was that you want to fix or create in your city, and ask yourself, do you have command of these elemental questions of power?
現(xiàn)在，讓我們回過頭， 考慮你的城市中的問題、機(jī)會、挑戰(zhàn)， 還有你期望在你的城市中解決的事情 或創(chuàng)造的事物。 問問你自己， 你是否熟稔這些問題，這些權(quán)力的最基本的問題?
Could you put into practice effectively what it is that you know? This is the challenge and the opportunity for us.
你能有效地將你知道的東西付諸實踐， 達(dá)到你的目的嗎? 這對于我們是挑戰(zhàn)，也是機(jī)遇。
We live in a time right now where in spite of globalization or perhaps because of globalization, all citizenship is ever more resonantly, powerfully local.
在我們?nèi)缃裆畹哪甏?即便朝著全球化發(fā)展， 也許正因為全球化進(jìn)程， 市民交互影響的程度更深，無一例外， 尤其在本地。
Indeed, power in our time is flowing ever faster to the city. Here in the United States, the national government has tied itself up in partisan knots. Civic imagination and innovation and creativity are emerging from local ecosystems now and radiating outward, and this great innovation, this great wave of localism that's now arriving, and you see it in how people eat and work and share and buy and move and live their everyday lives, this isn't some precious parochialism, this isn't some retreat into insularity, no.
確實，當(dāng)今的權(quán)力正以更快的速度 匯聚到城市。 在美國，中央政府囿于黨派， 公民的設(shè)想、創(chuàng)新力、創(chuàng)造力 正在當(dāng)?shù)氐娜ψ又挟a(chǎn)生，并向外輻射， 而且這股本地化的偉大創(chuàng)造力和偉大浪潮，正洶涌而來。你會從人們吃飯、工作、社交、購物、交通等 日常生活點滴中看到。 這不是矯揉造作的偏狹， 這不是退卻到狹隘，不是的。
This is emergent. The localism of our time is networked powerfully. And so, for instance, consider the ways that strategies for making cities more bike-friendly have spread so rapidly from Copenhagen to New York to Austin to Boston to Seattle.
這是自然發(fā)生的。 當(dāng)今的時代，本地化正強有力地進(jìn)行。 比如說， 看看那些致力于讓城市更適于自行車通行的理念吧， 這些理念擴(kuò)散得如此迅速， 從哥本哈根，到紐約，到奧斯丁，到波士頓，到西雅圖。
Think about how experiments in participatory budgeting, where everyday citizens get a chance to allocate and decide upon the allocation of city funds. Those experiments have spread from Porto Alegre, Brazil to here in New York City, to the wards of Chicago.
再想想“參與式預(yù)算”的實踐， 每天市民都有機(jī)會 分配和決定 市政資金的流向。 這些實踐已經(jīng)從巴西的阿雷格里港 推廣到紐約和芝加哥。
Migrant workers from Rome to Los Angeles and many cities between are now organizing to stage strikes to remind the people who live in their cities what a day without immigrants would look like.
從羅馬到洛杉磯，還有其間的其他城市的移民工人， 正組織罷工， 來提醒那些在其城市居住的人們設(shè)想一下 在沒有移民的城市里，一天的生活會是什么樣。
In China, all across that country, members of the New Citizens' Movement are beginning to activate and organize to fight official corruption and graft, and they're drawing the ire of officials there, but they're also drawing the attention of anti-corruption activists all around the world.
在中國，全國范圍內(nèi)， 中國新公民運動的成員 正在組織行動， 反對政府官員貪污腐敗。 他們激怒了官員， 但他們也吸引了 全世界的反腐敗組織的目光。
In Seattle, where I'm from, we've become part of a great global array of cities that are now working together bypassing government altogether, national government altogether, in order to try to meet the carbon reduction goals of the Kyoto Protocol.
在我來自的地方——西雅圖， 我們成為了全球一系列城市中的一員。 這一系列城市團(tuán)結(jié)在一起， 繞開政府， 繞開中央政府， 努力實現(xiàn)京都議定書規(guī)定的 減少碳排放量的目標(biāo)。
All of these citizens, united, are forming a web, a great archipelago of power that allows us to bypass brokenness and monopolies of control.
所有這些市民，聯(lián)合在一起， 形成一個網(wǎng)絡(luò)， 雖地域分散，力量卻集中， 讓我們可以繞開 壟斷權(quán)力的控制。
And our task now is to accelerate this work. Our task now is to bring more and more people into the fold of this work. That's why my organization, Citizen University, has undertaken a project now to create an everyman's curriculum in civic power.
我們現(xiàn)在的任務(wù)是加速這一進(jìn)程， 我們現(xiàn)在的任務(wù)是吸引越來越多的人 加入到我們的行動中。 這也是我的組織——公民大學(xué) 在進(jìn)行的一個項目的原因。
And this curriculum starts with this triad that I described earlier of values, systems and skills. And what I'd like to do is to invite all of you to help create this curriculum with the stories and the experiences and the challenges that each of you lives and faces, to create something powerfully collective.
這個項目致力于為所有人提供 公民權(quán)力的課程。 這個課程以我剛才所述的三方面為起點， 即價值觀、系統(tǒng)和能力。 我想邀請你們所有人， 幫助我建立這個課程， 請你們分享故事和經(jīng)歷， 以及生活中的挑戰(zhàn)， 來匯聚成強大的智慧的結(jié)晶。
And I want to invite you in particular to try a simple exercise drawn from the early frameworks of this curriculum. I want you to write a narrative, a narrative from the future of your city, and you can date it, set it out one year from now, five years from now, a decade from now, a generation from now, and write it as a case study looking back, looking back at the change that you wanted in your city, looking back at the cause that you were championing, and describing the ways that that change and that cause came, in fact, to succeed.
我想請你們參與一項實踐練習(xí)， 這是一個簡單的實踐， 來自這項課程的初步框架。 我想請你寫下一段故事， 一段來自你的未來城市的故事。 你來決定這個城市來自多遠(yuǎn)的未來， 可以是一年后，五年后，十年后， 也可以是一代人之后， 以那時的視角回過頭來看現(xiàn)在， 看現(xiàn)在的你希望 你的城市做出怎樣的改變， 看現(xiàn)在的你在鼎力支持著什么事業(yè)
Describe the values of your fellow citizens that you activated, and the sense of moral purpose that you were able to stir. Recount all the different ways that you engaged the systems of government, of the marketplace, of social institutions, of faith organizations, of the media. Catalog all the skills you had to deploy, how to negotiate, how to advocate, how to frame issues, how to navigate diversity in conflict, all those skills that enabled you to bring folks on board and to overcome resistance. What you'll be doing when you write that narrative is you'll be discovering how to read power, and in the process, how to write power.
并描述一下你期望的改變和你從事的事業(yè) 如何走向成功; 描繪一下 你所鼓舞的市民們擁有的價值觀， 以及你所激發(fā)出的人們的品行道德; 敘述一下 你參與到政府體制、 經(jīng)濟(jì)市場、 社會機(jī)構(gòu)、組織信仰、 媒體的不同的方式; 將你要施展的技能分門別類， 如何協(xié)商，如何鼓舞， 如何分析問題， 如何在矛盾中調(diào)和不同的意見， 正是這些技能讓你 帶領(lǐng)人們踏上正軌， 克服困難。 你寫下這段故事，與此同時， 你會發(fā)現(xiàn)如何解讀權(quán)力， 如何用書面的形式表達(dá)權(quán)力。
So share what you write, do you what you write, and then share what you do. I invite you to literally share the narratives that you create on our Facebook page for Citizen University.
請分享你寫下的故事， 并將你的故事付諸實踐， 進(jìn)而分享你的所作所為。 我請你們把你們的故事 以文字的形式分享到 到公民大學(xué)的臉譜網(wǎng)站上。
But even beyond that, it's in the conversations that we have today all around the world in the simultaneous gatherings that are happening on this topic at this moment, and to think about how we can become one another's teachers and students in power.
不僅于此，此時此刻 世界各地正在進(jìn)行的 同我們一樣的集會中， 在談?wù)摴窠逃@個話題。 考慮一下我們?nèi)绾螌W(xué)習(xí)權(quán)力， 做彼此的老師和學(xué)生。
If we do that, then together we can make civics sexy again. Together, we can democratize democracy and make it safe again for amateurs. Together, we can create a great network of city that will be the most powerful collective laboratory for self-government this planet has ever seen. We have the power to do that.
如果我們齊心協(xié)力， 就能讓公民教育再度煥發(fā)生機(jī)。 我們一起，能讓民主思想大眾化， 讓人人都享有民主的豐碩果實。 我們一起，能創(chuàng)造出 一個地球上前所未有的自主管轄的城市， 這個城市將充滿強有力的合作。 我們有能力實現(xiàn)它。
Thank you very much.
非常感謝你們。
【劉柏川在TED演講：為何普通民眾需要懂得權(quán)力？】相關(guān)文章：
TED演講《為何我們需要情緒急救？》01-08
TED演講:為何相愛容易相守難05-17
Ted 演講稿「精選」01-01
TED經(jīng)典演講：脆弱的力量04-13
TED演講是如何煉成的05-18
萊溫斯基ted演講06-29
ted演講稿02-14
ted演講技巧大全02-03